The homosexual offenders vs. minors include a moderate number of individuals (14 per cent) with records of juvenile convictions, falling between the two other homosexual-offender groups in this respect. However, a rather large proportion of these convictions led to imprisonment for six months or more—that is, the offenses were more than trivial. The homosexual offenders vs. minors rank fourth in the number with juvenile sex offenses (7 per cent), and one will recall that the homosexual offenders vs. children ranked third.
The involvement in antisocial or asocial behavior, as measured by conviction, was rather slow until these men were well into the third decade of their lives. About one fifth had been convicted by age eighteen, but the one-half mark was not attained until the midtwenties. By age thirty three quarters had been convicted and from that age on their percentages are intermediate.
There is nothing remarkable about the average age at which they were first convicted—twenty-five—or at the age they were first convicted for sexual behavior with a minor boy (30.2). The latter age is identical with that for the average homosexual offender vs. children at his first conviction for sexual activity with a boy under twelve.
Taking all the convictions of the homosexual offenders vs. minors, one finds a large proportion (62 per cent, third largest) were for sex offenses and a small proportion (38 per cent, third smallest) were for other offenses. Similarly, a very large number, about three fifths, had been convicted solely for sex offenses—only the homosexual offenders vs. adults had more “pure” sex offenders.
This specialization in sex offenses is again visible in an examination of type and number of offenses. These men had 3.74 convictions per capita, a moderate number insofar as total convictions are concerned. However, they also had 2.32 sex-offense convictions per capita, a number exceeded only by the most repetitive groups—the peepers and exhibitionists.
Turning to the nonsexual offenses, we find that, as is true for homosexual offenders in general, very few (3.6 per cent) were offenses against the person. No group displayed a smaller percentage. On the other hand, the homosexual offenders vs. minors had a large proportion (44 per cent, second in rank-order) of their nonsexual charges for vagrancy and/or disorderly conduct. This type of charge is easily lodged against perambulating or loitering males looking for homosexual contacts, and is even more readily lodged against adult males loitering around places where children or minors congregate.
As stated previously, the homosexual offenders vs. minors tend to confine their misdemeanors and felonies to sex offenses; in addition, they tend to limit their sex offenses to homosexual offenses, which constitute 85 per cent of their sex offenses. Within the homosexual category, of all their sex offenses other than those against minor boys, 36 per cent were against male children, and 24 per cent against male adults. Their next most frequent offenses, against willing or acquiescent females, comprised only 14 per cent.
The homosexual offenders vs. minors are very like the homosexual offenders vs. children in their moderate rate of recidivism: nearly one fourth had only one conviction, one fourth had two, and slightly over one fourth had four to six.
There is nothing remarkable about the average age at which they were first convicted—twenty-five—or at the age they were first convicted for sexual behavior with a minor boy (30.2). The latter age is identical with that for the average homosexual offender vs. children at his first conviction for sexual activity with a boy under twelve.
Taking all the convictions of the homosexual offenders vs. minors, one finds a large proportion (62 per cent, third largest) were for sex offenses and a small proportion (38 per cent, third smallest) were for other offenses. Similarly, a very large number, about three fifths, had been convicted solely for sex offenses—only the homosexual offenders vs. adults had more “pure” sex offenders.
This specialization in sex offenses is again visible in an examination of type and number of offenses. These men had 3.74 convictions per capita, a moderate number insofar as total convictions are concerned. However, they also had 2.32 sex-offense convictions per capita, a number exceeded only by the most repetitive groups—the peepers and exhibitionists.
Turning to the nonsexual offenses, we find that, as is true for homosexual offenders in general, very few (3.6 per cent) were offenses against the person. No group displayed a smaller percentage. On the other hand, the homosexual offenders vs. minors had a large proportion (44 per cent, second in rank-order) of their nonsexual charges for vagrancy and/or disorderly conduct. This type of charge is easily lodged against perambulating or loitering males looking for homosexual contacts, and is even more readily lodged against adult males loitering around places where children or minors congregate.
As stated previously, the homosexual offenders vs. minors tend to confine their misdemeanors and felonies to sex offenses; in addition, they tend to limit their sex offenses to homosexual offenses, which constitute 85 per cent of their sex offenses. Within the homosexual category, of all their sex offenses other than those against minor boys, 36 per cent were against male children, and 24 per cent against male adults. Their next most frequent offenses, against willing or acquiescent females, comprised only 14 per cent.
The homosexual offenders vs. minors are very like the homosexual offenders vs. children in their moderate rate of recidivism: nearly one fourth had only one conviction, one fourth had two, and slightly over one fourth had four to six.
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